As the Southern California workers continue their fight to protect access to affordable health care, LA Times columnist Michael Hiltzik analyses how the campaign has gone so far.
Hiltzik supports the grocery workers but is critical of the union movement’s strategy in this fight. Unfortunately, some of his points are valid.
Hiltzik points out that in general the union movement hasn’t adjusted to how the economy now works. In Southern California, regional and local unions are fighting against an industry that is now dominated by national corporations like Safeway and Kroger:
“[A] group of regional bargaining units are overmatched by three nationwide chains, which can continue raking in profits around the country while their Southern California locations are bereft of shoppers. [Union leaders] Icaza and Conger say they're surprised at the absence of the collegial we-can-work-it-out atmosphere that prevailed at negotiations in past contract cycles. Yet that's what happens when labor policy is made not by executives who live in the same communities where they've provoked a labor war, but by corporate bureaucrats ensconced thousands of miles away.”
Most unions are structured to put most of their resources into localized campaigns. Back when industries were dominated by local and regional businesses, this worked reasonably well.
But across the economy, more and more industries—including retail, banking, restaurants, tourism, journalism, health care, and even funeral services—are controlled by national (and multinational) corporations.
These more powerful companies have used their strength to push down standards for wages and benefits, shifting the risk and cost of retirement, health care, and other needs onto working people. For evidence of this, here’s another important LA Times story on an Economic Policy Institute study that documents how the jobs that are being created in the Bush economy are mostly in lower-paid, sketchy benefit categories.
Many people within the union movement are putting forward new ideas about updating our outmoded organizations to give working people a better chance to fight back—to not just defend a dwindling base of quality union jobs but create new good jobs in industries where decent wages and benefits simply don’t exist.
These ideas are controversial within the movement, although too much of this criticism is tendentious carping rather than real discussion.
At any rate, the hard fight that the Southern California grocery workers have been forced into is an example of the kind of battle unions need to learn how to win. We need to remake our movement to make sure we can.